Tag Archives: MATTEO IEVA

ISUFitaly Rome 2020 Urban Morphology Conference – Abstract – https://www.isufitaly.com/

ISUFitaly, International Seminar on Urban Form, Italian Network, organizes its Fifth Conference in Rome on 19/22 February 2020.

The theme of the conference is Urban Substrata and City Regeneration. Morphological legacies as a design tool. Following the previous ISUFitaly conferences themes, dealing mainly with the relationships between urban morphology, history and architectural design, the fifth Conference aims to pose the problem of transformations in urban form considered as underlying the shape of the current city. Considering the existing built form meanings and values as part of the future city, the topics of urban continuity and congruent transformations are therefore proposed.

The organizers and the Council of ISUFitaly invite participation in the Conference by interested academics, professionals, and PhD students who have completed or are completing their research degree . Conference lenguage will be English

Topics on which proposals are particularly welcome include:

Urban form theories

  • Ancient cities and modern theories
  • Historical Cities Morphological Analysis theories and methods
  • Theories on urban regeneration process
  • Teaching urban form theories

Urban form reading

  • Urban morphological analysis of historical territories and landscapes
  • Urban morphological analysis of historical fabrics
  • Urban morphological analysis of historical buildings
  • Reading urban form as a tool for regeneration
  • Teaching urban form reading

Urban form design

  • Historical landscape and contemporary design
  • Historical fabric and contemporary design
  • Historical buildings and contemporary design
  • Urban restoration
  • Today’s city and future regeneration
  • Urban design and post-trauma re-construction
  • Urban Morphology and informal city regeneration
  • Teaching urban form design

Proposals will take the form of abstracts of papers. They will be prepared in the following format: title of paper, author(s) name, affiliation, address, e-mail address, telephone number, keywords and 250-word abstract.

READING BUILT SPACES – 4th ISUFitaly Conference

Bari, 26-28 September 2018

The conference’s aim is to propose a dialectical comparison between scholars of Architecture, Urban Planning, Urban History, Restoration, Geography, on the theme of urban morphology with an interpretative perspective based on the concept of “operating history”. Search for a multidisciplinary syncretism that eludes single analyzing techniques and aims to the complete reconstruction of the urban phenomenology in its totality and concrete essence, through the study of the changing and inflexible condition of ‘fluidity’ hinged on the world’s events. An integrated thought based on the critical concept of ‘making’ that constitutes, phase by phase, the signifying element of each present, explained through the relationship between the before and the after: that is the research perspective of ‘being’ that announces the notion of transformational process.              Therefore, the projection in the future of the urban form is the central theme of the conference that proposes to stimulate the reflection on the issues as: recovery (not only of the historical city), re-use of existing urban spaces, regeneration, ex novo design in peripheral and peri-urban areas and natural spaces. All that, without neglecting the issue of sustainability, not considered with the strabismus of those who surrender to the “technique” pre-domain.



1. Urban form theories

2. Urban form between identity and spatial semantics

3. Contemporary urban spaces between form and process

4. Urban form between architecture and landscape

5. In making structural or timeless paradigm?


1. Form and structure of the historical city

2. Urban morphology and settlement process

3. Relation between periphery and natural space

4. Structure of the informal city

5. Metropolis and megalopolis in the making


1. Today’s city and future shape

2. Urban restoration and post-trauma re-construction between conservation and innovation

3. Fringe belt riqualification

4. The urban project between city and nature

5. Ecological urban environments

Conference Chairs
Matteo Ieva, Polytechnic University of Bari, Italy
Paolo Carlotti, ‘Sapienza’ University of Rome, Italy
Loredana Ficarelli, Polytechnic University of Bari, Italy







FrancoAngeli, Milan 2018

edited by Giuseppe Strappa


The form of expanding cities  – Giuseppe Strappa
Metropolis in transformation .

A study of fringe belts in Belo Horizonte, Brazil:
a contribution to developments in urban morphology
Staël de Alvarenga Pereira Costa, Karina Machado
de Castro Simão »

The contemporary metropolis growing.
The case-study of Buenos Aires
Anna Rita Donatella Amato »

Urban densification, vertical growth and fringe
in American cities
Paolo Carlotti »

Guangzhou-Foshan Metropolitan Area.
An adaptive notion of urban fringe belt for the
continuing Chinese city
Anna Irene Del Monaco

The growth of traditional cities

Post-industrial Eindhoven and its radial fringe belt:
A morphology of contemporary urban growth
Daan Lammers, Ana Pereira Roders, Pieter van Wesemael »

Conquest of organicity within the Liège’s 19th-20th
century serial-linear tissues
Matteo Ieva »

From urban nodalities to urban fringe belts.
The case-study of Krakow
Marco Maretto »

Urban growth of Turkish cities
Tolga Ünlu »

The Hybrid, the Network City and the Territory
“elsewhere”.The contemporary “fringe” condition in
north European urban phenomena
Nicola Marzot »



Giuseppe Strappa

The reading of the changes underway at the edges of contempo¬rary cities, where the countryside – often already partly urbanised – densifies and turns into urban matter, is one of the most difficult sub¬jects to tackle methodically. Proof of this is the descriptive literature produced on the topic, where depictions of an inextricable complexity and the suggestion of fragmentation, particularly amongst architects, have become true literary genres in themselves. The obvious obstacle is that the forms in which expansion takes place continuously evolve in time and space and seem beyond any rational, general law, while following a comprehensible process is an essential condition for the construction of a study method that can be communicated (and there¬fore of a design).
The growing complexity of the phenomena that develop on the edges of the built environment, where rural areas prepare for change in ways that seem continually different, can be clearly recognised in post-industrial cities, but the uncertainty inherent in the tools we use to understand and monitor them was already apparent in the post-war period: the very period that attempted to create a limit to the irrational¬ity of cities in chaotic expansion by developing new tools for under¬standing them.
As far back as the 1960s, the Conzenian school offered a clear inter¬pretation of these phenomena, attempting to generalise instances of interpretation developed for individual cities. This method originated in Alnwick’s exemplary study (Conzen, 1960) which, for that matter, we have published in an Italian edition due to the usefulness of the in¬formation it contains. The notion of fringe belt, which arose with these geographical studies – and initially fell on deaf ears (Whitehand, 1996) – was taken up with greater conviction in recent times, becoming a tool for analysis adopted by both architects and town planners.
The method is based on recognising the urban plan, building types and land use as essential factors in determining the kinds of changes that take place. The common features of one or more of these factors allow us to distinguish fairly uniform areas (morphological regions), allow¬ing us to construct models of expansion where we can distinguish forms and phases.
While the resulting model is spatially fairly simple, based as it is on successive rings that move out from the urban centre, its application to the actual built environment is rendered more complicated by the discontinuity of expansion, which usually occurs in stages of rapid growth alternating with periods of relative construction stagnation. M.R.G. Conzen discovered the link between these various phases of consolidation of the urban perimeter and the particular features of building types and land use that determine its form. This is interpreted as the relationship between the result of centripetal forces – particu¬larly obvious in the formation of the inner nucleus, the Central Busi¬ness District (CBD) – and centrifugal forces that push out towards the edges, infrastructure that does not require immediate access, as well as low-density single-family housing.
This relationship between phases allows us to define the concept of ‘fringe belt’ as one that is linked to an urban phenomenon that recurs over time, that takes place at the margins between urbanised and rural areas when the growth of housing fabric stops or slows down abruptly, allowing the consolidation of urban structures through services and infrastructure encouraged by the low cost of these areas and the avail¬ability of land. In other words, some elements of the urban structure tend to be located on the margins of the built environment, creating specialised areas ‘around’ housing fabric.
From the many studies that have been carried out, it is clear how the term ‘around’, whose meaning seems inextricably linked to the term ‘belt’, should actually be interpreted as a spatial hierarchisation rather than in its geometric meaning. To the point where there are many examples of growth across urban nuclei scattered throughout a territory, each of which forms its own fringe belt, before merging and forming new urban entities (see a number of the cases published here).
The fringe belt concept, which emerged with the interpretation of historic cities and is often usefully applied to the study of walled cities (Whitehand, 2017), also seems to contribute to the study of both the growth of industrial cities as well as the more complex expansion of modern-day metropolises.
In fringe belt foundation studies, particularly in the English-speak¬ing world, the benchmark example is the British metropolis, particu¬larly London. If, however, we consider the illegal urban sprawl typical of Mediterranean metropolises, consisting of detached houses on the edges of rapidly expanding housing areas, or the ‘informal’ expansion of South American and Asian cities, it becomes clear how, in many ways and with the proper caveats, the behavioural model features sig¬nificant analogies.
Saverio Muratori clearly noticed, during the same period as Conzen’s research, the condition of crisis that saw post-war cities expanding chaotically and attempted to include them in efforts to trace the myr¬iad urban phenomena back to a common interpretation, to a rational whole that could be taught and passed on (Muratori, 1963).
In the wake of his teachings, Gianfranco Caniggia provided us with a theoretical model of the forms of urban expansion that was very different to that of Conzen but that could be traced back to the same concepts when it comes to some of his general principles. What are, deep down, the infrastructures that are located on the margins of cities in the Conzenian model, that occupy the empty spaces consisting of cheap land if not the Caniggian model’s ‘anti-polar’ construction? And yet, Caniggia seems to refer, above all, to pre-industrial, organic cities that grow according to a modular law, through successive doublings, where each module is part of a larger urban organism and contributes to its life whilst nevertheless maintaining its original characteristics as a distinct and recognisable sub-organism. If we insist on a comparison, ‘mixed land use’ areas can be equated to the peripheral arrangements of partially specialised sub-organisms, in direct contact with rural ar-eas, that form during static phases of city construction.
Both these interpretations, which complement each other in the interpretation of fundamental aspects of the expansion of European cities, are products of the cultural areas where they formed. However, both have been recently adapted – more or less explicitly – to the study of other urban areas, such as those of North America or China, which feature very different characters.
In the early 1960s in North America, specific areas of growth were identified in the expansion on the edges between cities and countryside areas. Gerrit Wissink attempted to classify their typical features with specific characteristics in areas adjacent to the city ‘suburbs’, and more isolated ‘satellite’ areas in the territory, also considering their variations: ‘pseudo-suburbs’ and ‘pseudo-satellite’ areas (Wissink, 1962).
The study method that had to be employed when interpreting North American urban areas had to take into account particular condi¬tions. The differing mechanism of land value almost always hinders the formation of a fringe belt that can be spatially recognised as a single unified whole. There, a strip of available cheap land where anti-polar infrastructure can be set up rarely forms. The increase in land value, determined by the advantages that a particular location offers, begins decades before such land is actually exploited for construction, hin¬dering that clear difference between rural and urban land values that








Fig. 1 – San Martin das Flores in the state of Jalisco, Mexico. Sixteenth-century Spanish settlement turned into slums by the uncontrolled growth of Guadalajara.

encourages the formation of distinct strips of anti-polar construction. Moreover, one should take into account the fact that the greater or lesser marginality of areas of potential city expansion does not depend on their distance from the centre, but rather on complex factors, in¬cluding their accessibility, which has relevant influence, due to the very nature of American cities.
This situation leads to an early division of properties and a change in the size of building lots, smaller near areas of expansion but with a significantly higher value. The development of fringe belts here is therefore less continuous and often opposite to development in radial strips, sometimes following a linear, though discontinuous, form of expansion along transport arteries and, at other times, a growth of ‘clusters’ scattered throughout the territory, depending on a method intrinsic to the market-driven rationale of intense speculative activity and few town planning regulations.
The distance from one’s workplace, often located in the CBD or at its edges, combined with the extensive use of private transport and the formation of associated large-scale infrastructure, contributes to the complexity of this multi-faceted model of growth that is so hard to generalise. Thus the concept of the rural-urban fringe (R-U fringe) emerg¬es, understood to mean the transitional zone that, in Western cities, indicates a discontinuous territory and a contradictory landscape on the border between city and countryside, made up of extensive areas featuring specific, recognisable characters. One character that is usu¬ally identified with R-U fringe is due to the particular condition of its inhabitants, who live there despite not being part of the place either economically or socially (Herington, 1984). It is, moreover, a structural phenomenon linked to the inexorable growth of the urban population, which has for some time now overtaken the rural population (over 54% in 2017), with a percentage growth that seems relentless. This explains the renewed interest in the concepts of ‘fringe belt’ and ‘R-U fringe’, which still seem suited to interpreting the new, uncontrolled phenomena (that are, nevertheless, dynamic and innovative) of the market-led expansion of cities, where new anti-polar structures are often placed beyond the immediate administrative limits not only of large cities but also of small towns, in peri-urban areas that are hardly regulated, occupied by a combination of detached single-family houses and large entertainment complexes, commuter districts and noisy small businesses that cities push to their margins, areas used by undertak¬ers and warehouses of all kinds, shopping malls and venues for large events, concerts and festivals along the edge of farmland. The fact that concepts that have now become traditional, such as those of the fringe belt and R-U fringe have, for some time now, been placed at the centre of design project instruments for areas in urban expansion, succinctly tackling spatial as well as political and social problems, is proof of the attempt to establish the latest town planning frontier, limiting the fragmented city (Gallent, 2006).
However, we cannot deny that the idea of limits, which once con¬stituted one of the pillars of urban studies from the post-war period on, is now definitively in crisis, together with that of a perimeter, which was not only used as a planning tool but also as a mindset, allowing us to establish distinctions and borders.
Nevertheless, I believe that architects and town planners are not al¬lowed to accept reality as it is (contrary to the aesthetically pretentious movement that has recognised in the disintegration of every order the representation per se of the modern world). Often disorder, if ob¬served methodically, contains its own explanation, multifarious aspects of manmade principles that can be recognised and analysed rationally.
In any case, the model used to interpret and critically explain the phenomena of urban expansion is not just a scientific tool: it is also knowledge in action, it contains a design project. I believe we need to ‘designedly’ seek out the form of cities that expand, even in their seem¬ingly chaotic, formless parts (Strappa, 2012).
This book compares and contrasts a number of essays on urban expansion that examine case studies located in various different geo¬graphic areas: from Europe to Asia, from North to South America.

Fig. 4 – Spontaneous ridge routes in the expansion of Mexico City.

It is not, however, just a comparison of urban samples. What interests the editor is to compare interpretational models derived from experi¬ence that come under the umbrella of Urban Morphology, developed in different cultural contexts that nevertheless share the conviction that the form of a city, even in its most seemingly chaotic incarnations, can be interpreted rationally and contains the seeds of future change.

Caniggia, G., Maffei, G.L. (1979) ‘Composizione architettonica e tipo¬logia edilizia 1.Lettura dell’edilizia di base’ (Marsilio, Venezia).
Conzen, M.R.G. (1960) ‘Alnwick, Northumberland: a Study in Town- Plan Analysis’ (Institute of British Geographers, London).
Gallent, N., Andersson, J., Bianconi, M. (2006) ‘Planning on the Edge’ (Routledge, London).
Herington, J. (1984) ‘The Outer City’ (HarperCollins, New York).
Lammers, D., Pereira Roders, A., Van Wesemael, P. (2016) ‘Radial fringe belt formation’, Proceedings of the 22nd ISUF Conference, Rome 2015 (U+D, Rome).
Muratori, S. (1963) ‘Architettura e civiltà in crisi’ (Centro Studi di Storia Urbanistica, Roma).
Strappa, G., ed., (2012) ‘Studi sulla periferia est di Roma’ (FrancoAnge¬li, Milano).




estratto da G.Strappa, Architettura moderna mediterranea in Italia,

in AA.VV. Arte e cultura del Mediterraneo nel XX secolo, UNESCO, Roma 2004



Cancellando di colpo la nozione di area culturale che si era diffusa nella coscienza europea almeno dall’inizio del XIX secolo, le storie ufficiali di architettura moderna (a partire dagli anni ’30 e con rare eccezioni) sembrano raccogliere le vicende degli architetti e degli edifici intorno ad alcuni nodi critici che, comunicati attraverso slogan, individuano movimenti, correnti, tendenze ai quali viene attribuito un carattere internazionale. Ma i quali, nondimeno, riconoscono invariabilmente i loro centri nelle grandi aree urbanizzate nordeuropee e poi nordamericane, delle quali interpretano valori, gusti, aspirazioni: quello che viene comunemente accolto come internazionalismo architettonico e che tenterà  una propria codificazione linguistica nell’International Style costituisce, in altre parole, il prodotto di una ristretta area geografica del mondo, politicamente ed economicamente accentrante, che ha finito per esportare i propri modelli culturali alle aree più periferiche. Generando al contempo, per reazione, almeno nelle regioni di cultura architettonica maggiormente consolidata, una complessa, nuova presa di coscienza delle proprie specificità alle quali si stenta ad assegnare oggi una definita collocazione storiografica e critica.

Il tema dell’architettura moderna a carattere plastico e murario che si è sviluppata ai confini del moderno internazionale, della sua definizione, della sua storia, dei luoghi dove essa è stata progettata e costruita, ma anche del suo significato contemporaneo e della sua attualità operante, costituisce, in questo quadro, un argomento per molti versi insolito e nuovo.

Anche la consapevolezza di un’identità architettonica organica relativa a una vasta area culturale che aveva il proprio centro nel bacino mediterraneo, identificabile attraverso caratteri comuni pur tra prerogative locali ed eredità conflittuali, si è andata formando di recente, proprio con l’insorgere del ruolo culturalmente egemone del Movimento moderno,a conclusione di un processo che, sulla spinta delle trasformazioni economiche e politiche iniziate nel XVII secolo, aveva finito con lo spostare verso nord il centro del mondo relegando il Mediterraneo ai propri margini.

Nell’Europa settentrionale lo sviluppo dell’architettura moderna ha, in realtà, condotto all’estrema conclusione il processo di trasformazione pertinente alle aree di cultura gotica, caratterizzate da sistemi costruttivi leggeri, trasparenti, seriali, portanti e non chiudenti nel tentativo di rompere qualsiasi residuo legame con i principi di stratificazione muraria e organica gerarchizzazione della costruzione.

Walter Gropius espone il tema con didascalica chiarezza: “[Gli architetti moderni] stanno cercando di ottenere mezzi creativi sempre più audaci per vincere la stessa gravità, per raggiungere, attraverso nuove tecniche, sia nell’apparenza, sia nella realtà, una condizione di sospensione al di sopra del suolo.”  La pianta libera risolve, peraltro, il “genetico” conflitto tra la non eliminabile organicità della distribuzione, dove gli spazi si integrano e specializzano in funzione del ruolo che svolgono nell’edificio, e l’istanza alla serialità della struttura, di origine elastico-lignea, del sistema trave-pilastro di dimensioni unificate  in calcestruzzo armato che costituiva il “ritmo sotteso” della costruzione moderna.

La serialità (carattere di un’aggregazione costituita da un insieme di elementi ripetibili e intercambiabili ) costituirà, non a caso, uno dei tre principi posti a fondamento della nuova architettura internazionale: “Nella struttura a scheletro gli elementi di supporto sono normalmente e tipicamente collocati a distanze uguali in modo che le tensioni siano equilibrate. Perciò la maggior parte degli edifici ha un regolare ritmo sotteso, chiaramente visibile prima che sia applicata l’epidermide esterna.”

Le maisons Dom-ino danno forma di manifesto a questo sviluppo seriale ed aperto, disponibile ad ogni soluzione formale delle strutture elastiche il cui involucro indipendente, utilizzando la stessa pianta, può essere costituito tanto dalle chiusure murarie vernacolari dei disegni per il Groupment sur colline del 1916 , quanto da piani e volumi razionali, come nelle case in serie pubblicate da Le Corbusier qualche anno dopo , che utilizzano, in modo sorprendente, un identico impianto distributivo.

Sviluppo che si contrappone, risultando per molti versi complementare, a quello organico formatosi nel mondo delle murature massive sulle rive del Mediterraneo e che, esportato nei paesi nordici in età moderna, col Rinascimento, ha determinato attraversamenti e intersezioni che rendono evidentemente complesso, oggi, rintracciare processi formativi specifici.

Eppure è altrettanto evidente come nelle aree a carattere plastico e murario dell’Europa meridionale, ma anche mediorientali e nordafricane, la transizione al moderno si sia caratterizzata, almeno in parte, per l’esteso impiego di forme massive e opache, derivate da sistemi costruttivi dove la funzione  statica e costruttiva coincideva con quella di formare e chiudere gli spazi, stabilendo una chiara solidarietà, un rapporto di organica necessità, appunto, tra componenti architettoniche . In queste aree, nei primi due decenni del XX secolo, l’innovazione tecnica e tecnologica dovuta all’introduzione di nuovi materiali non ha dato luogo a forme di costruzione radicalmente innovative, ma ha proceduto soprattutto per aggiornamenti sostanzialmente continui e congruenti rinnovamenti. Si può senz’altro affermare che qui la persistenza di una chiara nozione di organismo di matrice plastica e muraria costituisca, soprattutto nel corso degli anni ’30 del ‘900, una scelta cosciente degli architetti che produce, soprattutto in Italia, nel periodo tra le due guerre e negli anni immediatamente successivi, un’architettura organica moderna basata su ideali umanistici, che spesso rinuncia all’individualismo delle avanguardie a favore della ricerca di una lingua comune capace di esprimere, ancora nell’età del calcestruzzo armato e dell’acciaio, un legame sintetico tra distribuzione, struttura, leggibilità.

Una diade di polarizzazioni tra aree, questa, nella quale è possibile individuare caratteri opposti e integrabili (come l’unione di sistemi murari ed elastici), resa complessa dalla confusione spesso generata dagli scritti degli stessi protagonisti della vicenda moderna attraverso quei generici riferimenti alla mediterraneità, alla solarità delle forme e alla semplicità dei volumi (che può appartenere alla macchina come alla casa contadina) che hanno finito per rendere difficile ogni perimetrazione. Diade, tuttavia, riconoscibile attraverso la nozione di continuità che sembra informare, in modo latente o esplicito, tanto la costruzione quanto il linguaggio architettonico inteso, appunto, come declinazione individuale, se non di una lingua, di un insieme, almeno, di caratteri condivisi.

L’attuale declino della sperimentazione sull’architettura a carattere plastico e murario, che coincide con la mancanza di ricerca sulle strutture al tempo stesso portanti e chiudenti, dimostra come il carattere autentico di contemporaneità si identifichi oggi con le doti di leggerezza e trasparenza, con la snellezza coltivata con virtuoso narcisismo, con l’indipendenza dell’involucro dagli spazi contenuti che “libera” la forma dalle regole della costruzione. La massività e i sistemi pesanti, il gesto costruttivo sintetico che risolve, allo stesso tempo, problemi distributivi e costruttivi sembrano, in questo quadro, connotare un’architettura distante, inattuale, premoderna, che attinge ai valori di un passato mitico e svanito, relitti portati a riva dalle ondate revivaliste che si succedono periodicamente in Europa e negli Stati Uniti.

Dato, questo, di un processo il cui esito non è affatto scontato, perché il valore di un’architettura è in stretto, mutevole rapporto con le cose cui si da importanza e significato.

In realtà si è andata gradatamente smarrendo, nella produzione più mediatica (più idonea alla diffusione e quindi più nota),non solo il valore, ma la cognizione stessa del carattere del materiale, la coscienza di come il suo impiego non costituisca la mera componente tecnica confinata all’esecuzione dell’opera, ma il portato di una cultura spesso transnazionale, e una delle cause prime dell’invenzione architettonica :”Dire che il materiale rappresenta il mezzo necessario e sufficiente – scriveva Mario Pagano – per la realizzazione architettonica non basta. Esso è qualche cosa di più. Esiste nel materiale qualche cosa che non è soltanto aspetto esterno ma è tendenza formale inerente il materiale prescelto.”


hassan-fathy-newgourna2 Hassan Fathy

raj-rewal1 Raj Rewal

cortoghiana_2 Saverio Muratori

jacques-herzog-e-pierre-de-meuron-realizzata-per-un-committente-tedesco-a-tavole-entroterra-di-imperia-nei-primi-anni-ottanta Jacques Herzog e Pierre de Meuron

ungers-dudler2 Oswald Mathias Ungers


offices-poincare-bruxelles-21Crepain Binst Architecture

carmassi Massimo Carmassi


beniamino-servinoBeniamino Servino




4-prosp-via-di-santa-lucia-291x400 ok-bn-prospetto-su-vico-massimiliano-massimo Matteo Ieva

finocchiaro-casa-a-ragalnaFrancesco Finocchiaro



Dipartimento di Architettura e Progetto -DIAP
Laboratorio di lettura e progetto dell ’architettura -LPA
Corso di Laurea in Scienze dell ’Architettura e della Città -SAC
Laboratorio di Progettazione 3 “A ”, prof..Strappa
Laboratorio di Progettazione 3 “B ”, prof.D.Fondi
Laboratorio di Progettazione 3 “C ”, prof.P.Carlotti


Conferenza di Matteo Ieva (Politecnico di Bari, Dipartimento DICAR)

Introduce: Giuseppe Strappa

Lunedì 29 ottobre 2012, h.14.30, Aula Fiorentino, Facoltà di Architettura, Sede di Valle Giulia,Via A.Gramsci 53, Roma

Organizzazione: Alessandro Camiz
Segreteria: Pina Ciotoli, Virginia Stampete